A NEW GOVERNMENT FOR THE BRITISH EMPIRE P, Y F. W. BUSSELL, D. D. PKLLOW AND VIClg-PRINCIFAL OF BRASENOSE COLLEGE KliCTOR OF SIXELAND, ETC. AUTHOR OF TUB SCHOOL OK PLATO, MARCUS AURELIUS AND THE LATER STOICS ESSAYS ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL IIISTOKV Ol f FllK ROMAN B, MIIKB, QIK1ST1AK THKOLOOY AND SOCIAL PKOUKBSS iJAMPTON LECTURES, IM6, ETC. LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA 1912 All rights reserved TO THE EARL OF ROSEBERY A MABK OF AFFECTION AND RESPECT My DEAR LORD BOSEBERY, Yoto have most kindly allowed me io dedicate this little booh to you. May I state briefly imj reasons for writing it f I see the failure of most of the old promises, the confessed unpopularity of government as such, the confusion and conflict of sectional interests, the determination of the aggrieved to resist laiv. I see economic and social troubles succeeding to the old Liberal problem of Freedom, a harsh and coercive centralism succeeding to the old belief in self-government. I see one factor in our triple sovereignty, to all effect and purpose moribii nd, the House of Commons. I see the second still respected but in an ambiguous state, and suffering from a recent attempt to impair its use. I see the third, the Monarchy, being transformed mto the tool of any faction in power, just at the time when contention is most serious, and the royal prerogative strained to silence criticism of extraordinary steps and win obedience for vindictive and coercive measures. I see the Cabinet in power swayed by a few men of conviction and ability, losing all claim to be called representative, and in any strict parlance ceasing to be responsible. Meantime every class and party seembent on securing wide increase of powers for this anomalous and ill-balanced centre I Government th reby becomes a brief Dictatorship of one or two able wd determined men, who will be as much detested by half the nation as they are popular with the other. The question remains to ask, Who is fit to be entrusted with this indefinite prerogative claimed by the modern State I will answer, Neither of owr present pwties, nor the cotnplex of the Constitution as a whole if we are to keep clear of revolution. The only hope, if we are to save our country and a semblance of genuine democracy, uo ld seem to lie in breaking up the powers vi DEDICATION which, nominally concentrated in our Single Chamber, are really in the hands of any dangerously clever Minister in remodelling the House of Peers so as to become an Imperial organ, command ing respect, and, because non-elective representative and responsible in a true sense finally, in these days of rancour and suspicion, in drawing upon that fund of loyalty which lies behind all our disputes and personal grievances in submitting ourselves to the wise arbitrage of the Sovereign. I cannot expect you my dear Lord, to concur in all the views herein expressed. But in the painful friction and short-sighted opportwnfom of politics and statesmen to-day I have dedicated my book to one who has always sot a far higher standard, and has always achieved afar higher ideal. I am, Your Lordships very faithful servant, P. W. BUS SELL. MundJiaw, August 20, 1912. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION TAUE 1. Actual dangers 1 Evils of Parly Spirit 1 Democracy a phrase 2 Part I, a Origin of the State 2 Spiritual or moral aim of State doubtful 2 8. b All government foreign, to-day notbased on universal consent 3 Government still dictatorial 4 The People do not choose their rulers 5 3 Half tho nation always disfranchised 5 a A governing class 6 Part 11. Britains tradition, protective and tutelary .... 6 Tutelage to-day wholly secular 7 1...