Karl-Magnus Johansson; Camilla Iliefski; Esbjörn Grip (ill.); Kristian Törnqvist (fotog.); John Wattström (fotog.) Landsarkivet i Göteborg (2018) Pehmeäkantinen kirja
Claudia Fahlke; Per Magnus Johansson; Billy P.M. Larsson; Lars-Gunnar Lundh; Sven G. Carlsson; Gunnar Karlsson Natur & Kultur Läromedel och Akademi (2012) Kovakantinen kirja
Hans E Andersson; Rikard Bengtsson; Matilda Broman; Karin Bäckstrand; Jonas Eriksson; Karl Magnus Johansson; Fredrik Langdal SNS Förlag (2010) Pehmeäkantinen kirja
Ida Lehtonen; Lisa Ehlin; Sandra Rafman; Kari Altmann; Jon Rafman; Michael Shanks; Artie Vierkant; Karl-Magnus Johansson Landsarkivet i Göteborg (2013) Pehmeäkantinen kirja
Markus A. Denzel; Michael North; Tom Kärrlander; Karl-Magnus Johansson; Raimond Veenstra; Markus A. Denzel Magnus Andersson Preindustrial Research Group (2014) Kovakantinen kirja
Akram Zaatari; Amalia Ulman; Anne de Vries; Cecilia Grönberg; D-M Wither; Hannah Quinlan; Jenna Sutela; Karl-Magnus Johansson Landsarkivet i Göteborg (2018) Kovakantinen kirja
Erik Florin Persson; Marie Hellervik; Karl-Magnus Johansson; Mats Jönsson; Fiffi Myrström; Kristina De Rooij Riksarkivet i Göteborg (2021) Pehmeäkantinen kirja
Per Magnus Johansson; Sven-Eric Liedman; Johan Linton; Anders Olsson; Thomas Karlsohn; Karl-Erik Eriksson Freudianska föreningen (2009) Lehtivihko, moniste
Per Magnus Johansson; Sven-Eric Liedman; Ulf Karl Olov Nilsson; Mats Svensson; Håkan Liljeland; Ola Sigurdson Göteborgs förening för filosofi och psykoanalys (2012) Pehmeäkantinen kirja
Johan Cullberg; Sara Edenheim; Johan Eriksson; Svein Haugsgjerd; Per Magnus Johansson; Gunnar Karlsson; Iréne Matthis Göteborgs förening för filosofi och psykoanalys (2015) Pehmeäkantinen kirja
This book offers a systematic inquiry into how, why, and with what consequences media affects governments and the standing of prime ministers. It aims at an understanding of how media has caused institutional effects in government, as well as at advancing a unified theory of government communication. The author develops a logic of centralization and applies it to one case, Sweden. Government communication has been institutionalized, tightened and centralized with the prime minister and has changed irreversibly. Analysis of how the government communication system has evolved, mainly in its institutional structures, suggests that the shift to centralization arose more out of necessity than choice. For prime ministers most of this is about finding ways to ensure that the entire government respond to media uniformly. As governments face a set of functional demands from media, different kinds of media, uniformity has been a paramount objective. Nevertheless, thisdevelopment involves shifting dynamics of intra-executive relations and a shift of power away from ministries to the prime minister’s office; the apex of political power. The prime minister has been empowered at the expense of ministers through the concentration of power and resources to the executive centre. That is partly because of media, which reinforces political hierarchies. That and the centralized control of government news in turn raises further questions about democratic governance and the nature of modern-day governing.